10.5937\/pravzap1001038Q<\/a><\/p>\nKEYWORDS<\/b>
<\/span>Framework Agreement for Peace, Annex 4, Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, constitution contracting, constituent people, constitutional antinomies, ethnocracy, human rights, state of emergency, European Convention on Human Rights, segregation, discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, constitutional amendments, federal state, rule of law, sovereignty, justice, procedural legitimacy.<\/p>\nABSTRACT<\/strong>
<\/span>The Bosnian-Herzegovinian constitutional system emerged as a specific type of internationalised legal order. Its essential features are \u201epacification\u201c by means of agreement and a constitution adopted by way of an international treaty. This reconstruction consisted in connecting The Day- ton Peace Agreement and the Annex 4 on characteristic points of the constitutional model. The further characteristic of the \u201eDayton Constitution\u201c is due to the form of the provisions on Human Rights and the normative- technical analysis of the Annex 4. The analysis leads to the conclusion that other characteristics of the Dayton Constitution, Democracy <\/em>and Ethnic consensus <\/em>in the competence of the parliamentary bodies, the assistance from outside <\/em>and the loss of sovereignty <\/em>in state affairs, all represent violation of human rights <\/em>and lead to continuous production of legal antinomies <\/em>in constitutional solutions.<\/p>\nThe question is, what elements in the case of a \u201econstitutional intervention\u201c by means of force should not be neglected. Two points seem to be relevant: the international law and the national law aspect. The first concerns the question of the meaning of \u201econstitutional interventions\u201c, the second, the effectiveness of the Dayton Agreement.<\/p>\n
The result: the international agreement on a constitution <\/em>can in terms of \u201eexternal intervention\u201c be only useful and potentially considered successful if the assumptions of written constitutional law are built consistently. The proclamation of the Rule of Law is not enough. Much more important is the creation of a state-organisational structure that makes the state power dependent on citizens (demos<\/em>) and not on the \u201ecitizen groups\u201c (ethnos<\/em>). In this sense, the constitutional principles contain a potential of modernisation. \u201eIntervention under international law\u201c through constitution-making, will only be successful if \u201ejustice\u201c and not the \u201erecognition of events\u201c is taken into account.<\/p>\nThe cornerstone of a meaningful international intervention in the form of a Constitution, thereby creates a constitutional tradition and constitutionaly institutionalised human rights. This will reinforce the interdependence between the state, the Constitution and the nation, in the form of a radical republican system.<\/p>\n
Within the national system, the effectiveness of the agreed system appears to be problematic. The question is whether the living constitutional system can provide a long-term stability of the agreed constitutional values and ensure a long-term peace. This constitutional structure is all in all by means of the Annex 4 antinomically formulated in such a way that the existing constitutional antinomies would lead to strengthening of the political chaos and legal inefficiency of the overall policy. With such diagnosis, it is easy to conclude that any intervention in fundamental constitutional principles can only be considered useful if the fundamental constitutional structures should change in such a measure that we can no longer speak of the same constitutional model. If, how- ever, the corrections taken within the given model be superficial, the pillars of technocracy will be left intact, and a kind of \u201epermanent war\u201c may be anticipated, from which only the political, economic and religious elites can benefit.<\/p>\n\n\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
PRAVNI ZAPISI \u2022 Year I \u2022 no. 1 \u2022 pp. 38\u201373 CHARACTERISING THE DAYTON CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL \u2013 ON AN UNSUCCESSFUL CONSTITUTIONAL EXPERIMENT Dr. iur. habil Edin \u0160ar\u010devi\u0107Vanredni profesor, Pravni fakultet u Lajpcigue-mail: edin@uni-leipzig.de . . Pravni zapisi, no. 1\/2010, pp. 38-73 Original Scientific Article DOI: 10.5937\/pravzap1001038Q KEYWORDSFramework Agreement for Peace, Annex 4, Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, constitution contracting, constituent people, constitutional antinomies, ethnocracy, human rights, state of emergency, European Convention on Human Rights, segregation, discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, constitutional amendments, federal state, rule of law, sovereignty, justice, procedural legitimacy. ABSTRACTThe Bosnian-Herzegovinian constitutional system emerged as a specific […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"parent":6321,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"template-article.php","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-7094","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"\n
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Pravni zapisi, no. 1\/2010, pp. 38-73 Original Scientific Article DOI: 10.5937\/pravzap1001038Q KEYWORDSFramework Agreement for Peace, Annex 4, Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, constitution contracting, constituent people, constitutional antinomies, ethnocracy, human rights, state of emergency, European Convention on Human Rights, segregation, discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, constitutional amendments, federal state, rule of law, sovereignty, justice, procedural legitimacy. 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